The Responsibility of the UN Peacekeeping Forces in Resolving the #Tigray Crisis: A Potential Strategy?
The genocidal war between the Ethiopian federal government and its allied forces-the latter including Eritrean troops and Amhara regional militias-and the Tigray Defense Forces has left a trail of devastation that includes mass displacement, food insecurity, genocide, war crimes, ethnic violence, and widespread and systematic human rights abuses.
Although the signing of the Pretoria Agreement in November 2022 was an important step toward peace, it has not led to the definitive cessation of violence. Eritrean forces remain in parts of Tigray, despite the agreements provisions of withdrawal, and are currently carrying out mass human rights abuses. Large swathes of Tigray are also forcefully and illegally occupied by the Amhara Fano Forces. This makes the return of the displaced people to their homes impossible. Those who have returned have faced serious security threats.
In such a highly critical and explosive situation, deployment of UN peacekeeping forces can be both the necessary and urgent requisite for the pacification of the region, implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, protection of civilians, and prevention of recurrence of war. Peacekeeping missions have had critical functions in many post-conflict regions throughout the world. Drawing from how successful interventions have been made in East Timor, Sierra Leone, Bosnia, and Côte d'Ivoire, this UN-led peacekeeping operation may present a route towards long-term peace, security, and development for Tigray. It is within this background that this article explores how a peacekeeping mission under the UN would go a long way toward addressing the multidimensional crisis of Tigray, what challenges may face such a peacekeeping operation, and why the international community must act.
Perhaps one of the most serious deterrents to lasting peace in Tigray can be seen in the lingering presence of Eritrean troops and Amhara militias, in spite of their requirement to withdraw under the Pretoria Agreement. The Eritrean army, led by President Isaias Afwerki, has also been accused of widespread atrocities, including genocide, massacres, weaponized rape, and the systematic looting of Tigrayan resources. Their ongoing occupation of northern Tigray has been condemned internationally, with numerous reports by human rights organizations detailing their role in continuing international human rights crimes. Amhara militias have also occupied areas of western and southern Tigray through forced and illegal means, perpetuating ethnic cleansing. The Federal Government of Ethiopia has done very little about this; thus, these regions remain under Amhara and Eritrean control. A UN peacekeeping force would deal with this impasse by introducing a neutral third-party presence to oversee the withdrawal of foreign and militia forces.
The peacekeepers would ensure that the Pretoria Agreement is fully respected, especially in regard to demilitarization and the creation of buffer zones in those forcefully and illegally occupied areas until their return to status quo ante. The presence of UN peacekeepers would also send a strong message to Eritrea and Amhara militia leaders that the international community will not tolerate continued occupation and human rights abuses in Tigray putting the Agreement into consideration. This could be instrumental in securing permanent withdrawal similar to other post conflict settings, such as the Golan Heights or Kosovo.
The humanitarian situation in Tigray is appalling. By late 2024, millions continue to face starvation, and access to basic needs like food, water, and medical services remains very limited. More than two million people have been displaced by the genocidal war and the forceful and illegal occupations, many living in overcrowded, unsanitary refugee camps in Tigray, across the rest of Ethiopia, and in neighboring Sudan where they face security threats.
Besides the food crisis, horrific levels of sexual violence have prevailed in Tigray, with reports that rape has been used as a weapon of war systematically. Large numbers of women and girls have become targets of multiple perpetrators, including Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers and Amhara militias. Survivors of the violence are usually traumatized, both physically and psychologically, and a great many of them have no access to healthcare or support services. Such abuses continue in the illegally and forcefully occupied areas by Eritrean Forces.
The deployment of UN peacekeepers, would be essential in preventing further atrocities. Peacekeepers mandated for civilian protection would establish safe zones and permit security for humanitarian operations that allow aid organizations access to provide food, medicine, and shelter to help the most vulnerable. By establishing these protected areas, peacekeepers would provide for access by aid organizations to deliver food, medicine, and shelter to assist particularly vulnerable populations.
Safe zones have proven their utility in other conflict situations. For example, during the Bosnian War in the early 1990s, UN "safe areas" around cities such as Sarajevo and Srebrenica provided some protection for civilians from violence occurring outside those areas. While there were failures-notably, the massacre in Srebrenica, which happened because of the general under-resourcing of the mission-the broader concept of safe zones has been refined and applied in more successful ways in later conflicts. A similar mandate for Tigray, but this time with sufficient peacekeeping forces and resources to support it, could forestall further bloodshed and stabilize the region.
The Pretoria Agreement was indeed a huge step forward; however, it is fragile. Tensions between the Ethiopian federal government, the Tigray Defense Forces, and a constellation of various regional actors could at any time reset the war. Indeed, skirmishes are said to occur in parts of southern and western Tigray, raising concerns that the region may spiral into full-scale war once again.
UN peacekeepers have immense experience in ceasefire agreements and how to ensure all parties adhere to the letter and spirit of peace deals. In the case of Liberia, the United Nations Mission in Liberia was very instrumental in the implementation of the 2003 Accra Peace Agreement that marked the end of the Liberian Civil War. The close monitoring by UNMIL deterred the risk of a ceasefire breakdown and triggered the disarmament process of rebel groups.
A similar mandate within Tigray would go a long way in monitoring the ceasefire to ensure the least instances of violation, hence preventing escalations. UN monitors would also signal the international community that peacemaking is being observed.
While the case for deploying the UN peacekeepers in Tigray is very strong, significant challenges exist that need to be brought forward before the UN can send in peacekeeping missions. Such challenges include, among others, consent from the Government of Ethiopia, complex regional dynamics across the Horn of Africa, and proper resourcing of the peacekeeping mission.
If UN peacekeepers were to be deployed in Tigray, one of the biggest challenges would be the probable resistance by the Government of Ethiopia. Very sensitive about international scrutiny of this genocidal war, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's administration has always framed the war as that of an internal issue. The Ethiopian government has also previously rejected calls for international justice and might view the deployment of UN peacekeepers as an infringement on its sovereignty.
However, there are precedents for overcoming such resistance: the UN Mission in South Sudan was deployed despite initial reluctance by the South Sudanese government. The UN secured the latter's consent for peacekeepers to operate in the country through sustained diplomatic pressure and negotiations. A similar approach could be taken with Ethiopia, using diplomatic channels, economic incentives, and international pressure to persuade the government to accept peacekeepers.
The AU could also play an important role in this process although precautions must be taken because it usually sides with the Government of Ethiopia. The AU has already shown its capacity to lead regional security initiatives, having already deployed its peacekeeping force to Somalia under the mission known as AMISOM.
A UN peacekeeping mission also requires good resourcing and a clear, robust mandate for effectiveness. In some instances, past peacekeeping missions have been restricted by a lack of troops, a shortage in funding, or ambiguous mandates that restrain their intervention in situations of conflict.
For the UN to avoid such shortcomings in Tigray, its peacekeeping Force needs to amply cover the vast and rugged terrain of the region. It must also be authorized with a mandate that covers the full implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, protection against civilian attacks, an agreed ceasefire, and humanitarian operations. The international community, including major powers like the United States and the European Union, should give necessary financial and logistical support to keep it running.
The UN has been involved with peacekeeping missions in conflict areas for many years, with mixed success. However, lessons learned from past successes and failures can help the UN increase the likelihood of success in Tigray.
The UN Transitional Administration in East Timor is one of the most hailed peacekeeping missions the UN has undertaken.
In 1999, East Timor was a country on its knees, fresh from a violent struggle for independence from Indonesia. The UN took over, establishing a transitional administration that kept the peace as much as it helped construct the beginnings of a new state.
The mission was well-resourced and its mandate included broad powers to govern the territory, train a police force and support political reconciliation. This would translate in Tigray into the UN engaging in a more expanded process of rebuilding governance structures, facilitating political dialogue, and other activities. The international community might also provide technical and financial support for rebuilding the devastated infrastructure.
The UN Protection Force, deployed during the Bosnian War, lends critical experience that may be instructive in surmounting the challenges of peacekeeping in ethnically divided societies. UNPROFOR helped in the delivery of humanitarian relief and maintaining ceasefires but failed to prevent atrocities like those at Srebrenica. Pre-eminent among these concerns has been the relatively limited mandate ascribed to UN peacekeepers-often ill-placed to intervene directly against violence.
What is urgently needed in Tigray is the deployment of UN peacekeepers who have a robust enough mandate to protect civilians against ethnic violence and to ensure the full implementation of the Pretoria Agreement. The international community also must ensure peacekeepers receive adequate resources and the requisite political backing to execute missions effectively.
Another successful peacekeeping example is that of the United Nations Mission in Liberia. After the brutal years of civil war, the UNMIL deployed in 2003 and disarmed combatants, monitored ceasefire agreements, and supported the transition of the country toward democracy. This is partly because the UNMIL was able to engage the local communities effectively and provide jobs for former fighters, thus diffusing possibilities for resurgences of violence.
Peacekeepers in Tigray would be vital in aiding the demobilization and reintegration of combatants. Skills training, education, economic can be included.
The genocide war in Tigray is a humanitarian tragedy and a prospective flashpoint for broader instability in the Horn of Africa. In the case at hand, where Eritrean and Amhara forces were involved, along with the continuing violence and the failing of the ceasefire agreements, positive peace has remained elusive. This is where the UN peacekeeping forces would be able to provide the neutral and stable presence of peace that keeps peace agreements, protects civilians, and ensures long-term reconciliation.
Drawing from experience gained and lessons learned from past peacekeeping missions, the United Nations can help break this pernicious cycle of violence in Tigray and set a real foundation for peace and prosperity. Remaining challenges notwithstanding, the potential benefits of a UN-led peacekeeping mission are much higher than the risks involved. The international community simply cannot look away while millions in Tigray continue to suffer; the time for concrete action is now.
Although the signing of the Pretoria Agreement in November 2022 was an important step toward peace, it has not led to the definitive cessation of violence. Eritrean forces remain in parts of Tigray, despite the agreements provisions of withdrawal, and are currently carrying out mass human rights abuses. Large swathes of Tigray are also forcefully and illegally occupied by the Amhara Fano Forces. This makes the return of the displaced people to their homes impossible. Those who have returned have faced serious security threats.
In such a highly critical and explosive situation, deployment of UN peacekeeping forces can be both the necessary and urgent requisite for the pacification of the region, implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, protection of civilians, and prevention of recurrence of war. Peacekeeping missions have had critical functions in many post-conflict regions throughout the world. Drawing from how successful interventions have been made in East Timor, Sierra Leone, Bosnia, and Côte d'Ivoire, this UN-led peacekeeping operation may present a route towards long-term peace, security, and development for Tigray. It is within this background that this article explores how a peacekeeping mission under the UN would go a long way toward addressing the multidimensional crisis of Tigray, what challenges may face such a peacekeeping operation, and why the international community must act.
1. The Lingering Presence of Foreign and Militia Forces
Perhaps one of the most serious deterrents to lasting peace in Tigray can be seen in the lingering presence of Eritrean troops and Amhara militias, in spite of their requirement to withdraw under the Pretoria Agreement. The Eritrean army, led by President Isaias Afwerki, has also been accused of widespread atrocities, including genocide, massacres, weaponized rape, and the systematic looting of Tigrayan resources. Their ongoing occupation of northern Tigray has been condemned internationally, with numerous reports by human rights organizations detailing their role in continuing international human rights crimes. Amhara militias have also occupied areas of western and southern Tigray through forced and illegal means, perpetuating ethnic cleansing. The Federal Government of Ethiopia has done very little about this; thus, these regions remain under Amhara and Eritrean control. A UN peacekeeping force would deal with this impasse by introducing a neutral third-party presence to oversee the withdrawal of foreign and militia forces.
The peacekeepers would ensure that the Pretoria Agreement is fully respected, especially in regard to demilitarization and the creation of buffer zones in those forcefully and illegally occupied areas until their return to status quo ante. The presence of UN peacekeepers would also send a strong message to Eritrea and Amhara militia leaders that the international community will not tolerate continued occupation and human rights abuses in Tigray putting the Agreement into consideration. This could be instrumental in securing permanent withdrawal similar to other post conflict settings, such as the Golan Heights or Kosovo.
2. Humanitarian Protection and Prevention of Further Atrocities
The humanitarian situation in Tigray is appalling. By late 2024, millions continue to face starvation, and access to basic needs like food, water, and medical services remains very limited. More than two million people have been displaced by the genocidal war and the forceful and illegal occupations, many living in overcrowded, unsanitary refugee camps in Tigray, across the rest of Ethiopia, and in neighboring Sudan where they face security threats.
Besides the food crisis, horrific levels of sexual violence have prevailed in Tigray, with reports that rape has been used as a weapon of war systematically. Large numbers of women and girls have become targets of multiple perpetrators, including Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers and Amhara militias. Survivors of the violence are usually traumatized, both physically and psychologically, and a great many of them have no access to healthcare or support services. Such abuses continue in the illegally and forcefully occupied areas by Eritrean Forces.
The deployment of UN peacekeepers, would be essential in preventing further atrocities. Peacekeepers mandated for civilian protection would establish safe zones and permit security for humanitarian operations that allow aid organizations access to provide food, medicine, and shelter to help the most vulnerable. By establishing these protected areas, peacekeepers would provide for access by aid organizations to deliver food, medicine, and shelter to assist particularly vulnerable populations.
Safe zones have proven their utility in other conflict situations. For example, during the Bosnian War in the early 1990s, UN "safe areas" around cities such as Sarajevo and Srebrenica provided some protection for civilians from violence occurring outside those areas. While there were failures-notably, the massacre in Srebrenica, which happened because of the general under-resourcing of the mission-the broader concept of safe zones has been refined and applied in more successful ways in later conflicts. A similar mandate for Tigray, but this time with sufficient peacekeeping forces and resources to support it, could forestall further bloodshed and stabilize the region.
3. Monitoring Ceasefire Violations and Facilitating Peace Talks
The Pretoria Agreement was indeed a huge step forward; however, it is fragile. Tensions between the Ethiopian federal government, the Tigray Defense Forces, and a constellation of various regional actors could at any time reset the war. Indeed, skirmishes are said to occur in parts of southern and western Tigray, raising concerns that the region may spiral into full-scale war once again.
UN peacekeepers have immense experience in ceasefire agreements and how to ensure all parties adhere to the letter and spirit of peace deals. In the case of Liberia, the United Nations Mission in Liberia was very instrumental in the implementation of the 2003 Accra Peace Agreement that marked the end of the Liberian Civil War. The close monitoring by UNMIL deterred the risk of a ceasefire breakdown and triggered the disarmament process of rebel groups.
A similar mandate within Tigray would go a long way in monitoring the ceasefire to ensure the least instances of violation, hence preventing escalations. UN monitors would also signal the international community that peacemaking is being observed.
Challenges to Deploying UN Peacekeeping Forces in Tigray
While the case for deploying the UN peacekeepers in Tigray is very strong, significant challenges exist that need to be brought forward before the UN can send in peacekeeping missions. Such challenges include, among others, consent from the Government of Ethiopia, complex regional dynamics across the Horn of Africa, and proper resourcing of the peacekeeping mission.
1. Securing Consent of the Ethiopian Government
If UN peacekeepers were to be deployed in Tigray, one of the biggest challenges would be the probable resistance by the Government of Ethiopia. Very sensitive about international scrutiny of this genocidal war, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's administration has always framed the war as that of an internal issue. The Ethiopian government has also previously rejected calls for international justice and might view the deployment of UN peacekeepers as an infringement on its sovereignty.
However, there are precedents for overcoming such resistance: the UN Mission in South Sudan was deployed despite initial reluctance by the South Sudanese government. The UN secured the latter's consent for peacekeepers to operate in the country through sustained diplomatic pressure and negotiations. A similar approach could be taken with Ethiopia, using diplomatic channels, economic incentives, and international pressure to persuade the government to accept peacekeepers.
The AU could also play an important role in this process although precautions must be taken because it usually sides with the Government of Ethiopia. The AU has already shown its capacity to lead regional security initiatives, having already deployed its peacekeeping force to Somalia under the mission known as AMISOM.
2. Adequate Resources and Mandate
A UN peacekeeping mission also requires good resourcing and a clear, robust mandate for effectiveness. In some instances, past peacekeeping missions have been restricted by a lack of troops, a shortage in funding, or ambiguous mandates that restrain their intervention in situations of conflict.
For the UN to avoid such shortcomings in Tigray, its peacekeeping Force needs to amply cover the vast and rugged terrain of the region. It must also be authorized with a mandate that covers the full implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, protection against civilian attacks, an agreed ceasefire, and humanitarian operations. The international community, including major powers like the United States and the European Union, should give necessary financial and logistical support to keep it running.
Lessons to Be Learned from Past UN Peacekeeping Missions
The UN has been involved with peacekeeping missions in conflict areas for many years, with mixed success. However, lessons learned from past successes and failures can help the UN increase the likelihood of success in Tigray.
1. East Timor (UNTAET)
The UN Transitional Administration in East Timor is one of the most hailed peacekeeping missions the UN has undertaken.
In 1999, East Timor was a country on its knees, fresh from a violent struggle for independence from Indonesia. The UN took over, establishing a transitional administration that kept the peace as much as it helped construct the beginnings of a new state.
The mission was well-resourced and its mandate included broad powers to govern the territory, train a police force and support political reconciliation. This would translate in Tigray into the UN engaging in a more expanded process of rebuilding governance structures, facilitating political dialogue, and other activities. The international community might also provide technical and financial support for rebuilding the devastated infrastructure.
2. Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNPROFOR)
The UN Protection Force, deployed during the Bosnian War, lends critical experience that may be instructive in surmounting the challenges of peacekeeping in ethnically divided societies. UNPROFOR helped in the delivery of humanitarian relief and maintaining ceasefires but failed to prevent atrocities like those at Srebrenica. Pre-eminent among these concerns has been the relatively limited mandate ascribed to UN peacekeepers-often ill-placed to intervene directly against violence.
What is urgently needed in Tigray is the deployment of UN peacekeepers who have a robust enough mandate to protect civilians against ethnic violence and to ensure the full implementation of the Pretoria Agreement. The international community also must ensure peacekeepers receive adequate resources and the requisite political backing to execute missions effectively.
3. Liberia (UNMIL)
Another successful peacekeeping example is that of the United Nations Mission in Liberia. After the brutal years of civil war, the UNMIL deployed in 2003 and disarmed combatants, monitored ceasefire agreements, and supported the transition of the country toward democracy. This is partly because the UNMIL was able to engage the local communities effectively and provide jobs for former fighters, thus diffusing possibilities for resurgences of violence.
Peacekeepers in Tigray would be vital in aiding the demobilization and reintegration of combatants. Skills training, education, economic can be included.
Conclusion: A Road to Lasting Peace
The genocide war in Tigray is a humanitarian tragedy and a prospective flashpoint for broader instability in the Horn of Africa. In the case at hand, where Eritrean and Amhara forces were involved, along with the continuing violence and the failing of the ceasefire agreements, positive peace has remained elusive. This is where the UN peacekeeping forces would be able to provide the neutral and stable presence of peace that keeps peace agreements, protects civilians, and ensures long-term reconciliation.
Drawing from experience gained and lessons learned from past peacekeeping missions, the United Nations can help break this pernicious cycle of violence in Tigray and set a real foundation for peace and prosperity. Remaining challenges notwithstanding, the potential benefits of a UN-led peacekeeping mission are much higher than the risks involved. The international community simply cannot look away while millions in Tigray continue to suffer; the time for concrete action is now.
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