Article: The Political Psychology of War Rape: A Critical Analysis and Application to Tigray

Understanding the Political Psychology of War Rape

In The Political Psychology of War Rape, Inger Skjelsbæk provides an in-depth examination of sexual violence in war, focusing primarily on the experiences of victims in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The book seeks to move beyond simplistic explanations that attribute war rape solely to biological male aggression or the chaotic nature of warfare. Instead, Skjelsbæk presents a social constructionist framework that considers the intersections of gender, power, ethnicity, and political identity.

A key argument in the book is that war rape is not merely an opportunistic crime but a strategic weapon used to enforce dominance and reshape ethnic and national identities. This is particularly evident in the way perpetrators are often masculinized while victims are feminized, reinforcing broader power structures that extend beyond the immediate act of violence. Skjelsbæk highlights how sexual violence in Bosnia was deployed as part of ethnic cleansing campaigns, which she calls a euphemism for genocide, intended not only to terrorize women but also to humiliate and weaken entire communities.

The book also delves into the long-term psychological and social effects of war rape, emphasizing the stigma that survivors face and the difficulties they encounter in seeking justice. It critiques the assumption that war rape is an unspeakable trauma, arguing instead that there are multiple voices willing to discuss and analyze its impact without compromising the safety and dignity of survivors. By engaging with survivor narratives, health workers’ perspectives, and broader political discourses, Skjelsbæk provides a comprehensive analysis of how war rape functions within both national and international contexts.

Beyond the theoretical framework, the book also discusses the role of international legal mechanisms in addressing war rape. It acknowledges progress made through tribunals such as the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) but also highlights persistent challenges in ensuring justice. Survivors often struggle to navigate bureaucratic and legal hurdles, while societal structures frequently fail to provide adequate psychological and economic support. The book suggests that while legal frameworks are necessary, they must be accompanied by broader efforts to address gender inequality and cultural attitudes that perpetuate silence and shame around sexual violence.

Application to weaponized rape in Tigray 

The insights from The Political Psychology of War Rape are particularly relevant to understanding the use of weaponized rape in the Tigray genocidal war. Reports of widespread against Tigrayan women and girls show that, much like in Bosnia, sexual violence has been systematically used as a weapon of war. Survivors and human rights organizations have documented cases where Ethiopian, Amhara, and Eritrean forces employed rape not only to harm individual victims but also to terrorize and destabilize entire communities.

Skjelsbæk’s argument that rape is deployed strategically to enforce ethnic and national subjugation aligns with the patterns observed in Tigray. Many of the reported attacks involve perpetrators explicitly invoking ethnic hatred, making clear that the assaults are not random but rather part of a broader campaign to dominate and dehumanize the Tigrayan people. The book’s emphasis on the intersection of gender and ethnicity as central to war rape’s function offers a useful framework for analyzing these crimes in Tigray.

Another important application of Skjelsbæk’s work is in understanding the long-term societal impact of war rape. As seen in Bosnia, survivors in Tigray face immense psychological trauma, social stigmatization, and economic hardship. Many women may be ostracized by their families and communities, where rape carries an enduring stigma. The book’s discussion of post-war trauma provides a critical lens through which to assess the challenges that Tigrayan survivors will encounter in seeking justice and rebuilding their lives.

Shortcomings in Applying the Book to Tigray

Despite its valuable insights, The Political Psychology of War Rape has several shortcomings when applied to the Tigray genocidal war. One key issue is the book’s framework is deeply rooted in the Bosnian experience while having an excellent global chapter. In Bosnia, war rape was systematically documented and became a focal point of international legal proceedings. However, the situation in Tigray is different in many ways, particularly in terms of the response from international bodies. While the ICTY played a significant role in prosecuting war crimes in Bosnia, similar mechanisms do not currently exist for Ethiopia, where domestic political structures, the very ones who perpetrated the violence, make efforts to achieve justice for survivors impossible unless there is an international justice mechanism.

Another challenge in applying the book to Tigray is the difference in military structures. The Bosnian War involved relatively formalized military factions with clear hierarchies, which made it easier to establish command responsibility for war crimes. In contrast, the Tigray genocidal war involves a mix of Ethiopian and Eritrean government forces,  and regional militias, creating a more complex landscape of accountability. This makes it more difficult to trace responsibility for systematic war rape and to implement legal or humanitarian interventions based on the Bosnian model.

The book also places significant emphasis on the role of international discourse in shaping responses to war rape. While this is relevant to Bosnia, where global media coverage and international advocacy played a key role in bringing war crimes to light, the situation in Tigray has not received the same level of sustained attention. Ethiopia’s geopolitical position and diplomatic relationships have influenced how the genocidal war is framed internationally, often overshadowing the plight of survivors. The lack of strong international intervention raises questions about how applicable Skjelsbæk’s framework is to wars where international accountability mechanisms are weak or absent.

Conclusion

Inger Skjelsbæk’s The Political Psychology of War Rape provides a compelling and deeply analytical exploration of war rape, positioning it as a strategic and political tool rather than just an incidental byproduct of conflict. The book’s application of social constructionism, its intersectional approach to gender and ethnicity, and its engagement with survivor narratives offer invaluable insights into how wartime sexual violence operates and how societies respond to it.

However, while the book serves as a strong foundation for understanding sexual violence in conflict, its rightful focus on Bosnia makes it challenging to apply directly to other war contexts, such as Tigray. Differences in military structures, international responses, and sociocultural factors mean that while the book’s theoretical insights remain relevant, they must be adapted to the specific realities of the genocidal war in Tigray.

Future research should build on Skjelsbæk’s excellent work by incorporating more comparative analyses across different regions and wars. This would allow for a more comprehensive understanding of the political psychology of war rape, ensuring that theoretical frameworks are flexible enough to account for diverse historical and cultural contexts. In the case of Tigray, a deeper examination of international justice mechanisms, community-based initiatives, and the role of regional geopolitics would be essential to developing a more nuanced and actionable approach to addressing wartime sexual violence.